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The Foolish, The Feckless and The Fanatic
by J.A. Klein
85 pages; quality trade paperback (softcover); catalogue #04-0161; ISBN 1-4120-2333-5; US$13.50, C$15.00, EUR11.00, £8.00
The Liberals and French babble while U.S. leads battle against terrorism.
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about the book about the author table of contents and excerpts catalogue info
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About the Book
"The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing." (Edmond Burke)
Or for selfish people to obstruct those who are trying to do the right thing.
This book probes the Islamic fanatics' end game - convert or die, they tell the West. The fanatics see our very success as a mortal threat to their own perverted version of the "pure" Islam world over which they thirst to rule.
But the book also probes the feckless French and foolish liberals who are so wrapped up in their own agendas that they stand between forceful leadership and the real enemy at the gates.
Bin Laden is perfectly willing to brainwash his followers into sacrificing their lives for the illusion of eternal paradise. Not that Bin Laden and his chief lieutenants are ready to die for their cause just yet. They want others to die so that they can live out their fantasies of a world converted in their image. How does he get away with it? By skillfully preying on the weaknesses of others, including the short-sighted who are blinded by their greed, cowardice or folly.
This is where the feckless French and foolish liberals come in. As the book explains, tyrants like Saddam Hussein suit the fanatic Islamists' ambitions perfectly. All of this and more were staring the feckless French and foolish liberals in the face. But they turned a blind eye. At a crucial point in the history, they chose a course even worse then doing nothing. They obstructed decisive action against the growing cancer to serve their own agendas.
In their own way and for their own selfish reasons, the French (along with other European elites) and the liberal establishment have trouble dealing with decisive assertions of U.S. power. They want to bring the United States down to a level that is indistinguishable from any other country. In a world of moral ambivalence that the feckless French and the foolish liberals are used to inhabiting, the United States government is no less to blame for what happened on September 11th than the terrorists and dictators who support them.
This book connects the dots in the concerted strategy to fight the War on Terror that the liberals and French refuse to see and explains how George Bush's decision to remove Saddam Hussein after twelve years of inaction on the part of the United Nations was an essential part of that strategy
About the Author
The author, Joseph A. Klein, has just written this pithy, fact-filled book with the intriguing title The Foolish, The Feckless and The Fanatic: Liberals and French Babble While U.S. Leads Battle Against Terrorism.
Klein is a practicing attorney who has dealt with and written about the legal and public policy issues relating to global competition, technology and privacy. He is a Summa Cum Laude graduate of the University of Rochester and Cum Laude graduate of the Harvard Law School.
Klein felt compelled to write this book to rebut the gross distortions of the liberal and French obstructionists in their diatribes against President Bush's policies in Iraq. As he has remarked, "Al Franken says that he is all about 'truth to power, baby'. The only problem is that Franken, Kerry, Gore, Jacques Chirac and the rest of that crowd are in a state of complete denial. They are afraid of a decisive leader who is willing to confront the raw truth of the evil fanatic terrorists and their state sponsors that we face and who will actually use the full power of the United States to defeat them.
Table of Contents and Excerpts
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER ONE
BLIND EYE TO EVILCHAPTER TWO TEN MYTHS OF THE FOOLISH AND FECKLESS
Myth #1
Islamic terrorism is the West's fault, which we can only eliminate by understanding the causes and negotiating a solution. Muslim youth turn to violence as a desperate response to Israel's occupation of the Palestinian lands and Western oppression of the Arab poor.
Myth #2
President Bush ignored prior warnings and a plan from the Clinton Administration to combat Al Qaeda that could have prevented September 11th.
Myth #3
There is nothing linking Saddam Hussein's Iraqi regime to Al Qaeda.
Myth #4
The French were acting with the best moral intentions as our good friends by trying to pursue a peaceful resolution of the Iraqi confl ict and helping us avoid war at all cost.
Myth #5 The Iraqi war violated the United Nations Charter. It was an illegal use of force because it was not approved by the Security Council, which has the "sole" authority to declare war against a sovereign nation.
Myth #6
President Bush knew all along that there were no weapons of mass destruction (WMD) in Iraq. He deliberately lied to the American people to justify his aggressive war plans.
Myth #7
The Iraqi war was illegitimate because it was all about oil.
Myth #8
Concentration on Iraq has undermined the "war on terror".
Myth #9
The Bush Administration is assaulting our civil liberties in the name of terrorism prevention.
Myth #10 "Liberals love America like grown-ups" (Al Franken). George Bush is a cowboy who is out of his depth.
CHAPTER THREE
FRENCH FRUSTRATIONCHAPTER FOUR
PEARL HARBOR REDUXCHAPTER FIVE
FINAL THOUGHTSAn Excerpt from The Foolish, The Feckless and the Fanatic
French President Chirac-featured on this book's front cover-is obsessed with cutting the United States down to size. He has used the term "contrepoids," or counterweight, to describe Europe-led by France, of course-as a balancing force against the world's only remaining superpower. As this book will explain in greater detail, President George W. Bush's assertive leadership has been Chirac's worst nightmare. "There is no alternative but the United Nations," Chirac declared in a speech to the U.N. in September 2003. Chirac said that President Bush's decision to use military force to bring down Saddam Hussein's regime without fi nal Security Council approval "shook the multilateral system" and that "(T)he United Nations has just been through one of the most grave crises in its history." What he really should have said was that his own pouting at a decisive moment in history and threats to veto decisive action by the Security Council to enforce its own resolutions against Saddam Hussein sabotaged efforts to win majority support in the United Nations for war on Iraq and ultimately rendered France even more irrelevant than it already was.
The liberals love to whine and complain when they confront a decisive leader who demonstrates moral clarity. This book uses Al Gore as a leading example of the liberals' confusion of priorities, their amnesia concerning their own former positions on the Iraqi threat and their naive over-reliance on multilateralism as a solution to all the world's ills. While Gore himself is a has-been on the political scene, liberals still look to him as a folk hero and he accommodates them with his self-righteous bromides. Gore continues to spew non-stop venom at President Bush for having the courage to actually follow through on the Clinton-Gore Administration's blustering about the al Qaeda terrorists and Saddam Hussein.
But Gore is by no means alone. Indeed, Senator John Kerry, the presumptive Democratic Presidential nominee, is following in Gore's footsteps and is his natural heir to the liberal throne. For this, Kerry deserves a place on this book's front cover. Kerry is an angry man- always barking at someone or something. And Kerry has never really outgrown his habit of fi ring off accusatory rhetoric without any foundation in fact. More than thirty years ago he accused the United States government, his military superiors and his fellow veterans of committing war crimes and systematic atrocities in Vietnam. Today, Kerry accuses the Bush Administration and its supporters of being "the most crooked...lying group I've ever seen". Kerry has not changed the tone of his reckless charges directed at his own countrymen, apparently forgetting the pathological crimes of the real enemies we are facing today-the fanatic Islamists and their despotic state sponsors.
Like the French whose moral relativism they so emulate, the liberals are equally distrustful of what Senator Kerry referred to as "the preeminence of American power" or "imperial" power in Kerry's lexicon when we decide to use it ourselves in our own national security interest without "international sanction" (Address to the Council on Foreign Relations by John Kerry, December 3, 2003).
In plain English, despite his tough talk about U.S. sovereignty over its own military, Kerry wants United Nations approval before he would take any offensive military action with U.S. troops. This theme is perfectly consistent in spirit with Kerry's declaration during his fi rst run for Congress back in 1970 that U.S. troops should be dispersed solely under United Nations directive. Turning around President Theodore Roosevelt's famous line that the United States should walk softly and carry a big stick, Kerry would talk loudly and carry the United Nations' baggage.
Is it any wonder that the French perceive John Kerry "with so much sympathy"? (Source: Op Ed Article in The Wall Street Journal, March 9, 2004, by Jean-Marie Colombani, editor of Le Monde). The feckless French want to see Kerry elected because he thinks so much like them and will make the French feel important again.
And is it a surprise that Kerry brags about how unnamed foreign leaders want to see him defeat President Bush? It seems as if Kerry is running for Mr. Popularity abroad rather than running for the Presidency of the United States. Would Kerry's admirers include Iran, where the anti-American Tehran Times published on its front page the text of an e-mail from Kerry's offi ce describing how accommodative his foreign policy will be? (Source: Tehran Times, February 8, 2004).
In any event, when push came to shove the liberals preferred to leave Saddam Hussein in place rather than risk the opprobrium of world opinion for forcibly removing him, no matter what the provocation. Indeed, Kerry admitted that he could not guarantee that Saddam Hussein would now be out of power in Iraq if he had been President over the past year (Source: The Guardian, March 10, 2004).
Catalogue Information
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