Trafford Publishing: Uganda: Hurtling Toward a Rwanda-like Crisis

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Uganda: Hurtling Toward a Rwanda-like Crisis

by Chamonges Kericho

189 pages; black coil; Includes the 1962 Constitution as an appendix.; catalogue #97-0018; ISBN 1-55212-097-X; US$24.00, C$29.95, EUR19.50, £13.50

Nepotism, tribalism, corruption and constitutional manipulation to gain political advantage in Uganda: Use of money and mercenaries to maintain power has led to a constitutional quagmire; may lead to genocide of unprecedented proportions.

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about the book about the author excerpts from the book catalogue info

About the Book
Uganda has had a troubled history, and there seems to be no light at the end of the dark tunnel. Right from the time of its inception as a country in 1891, those who have led the country have used violence, deception, and foreign forces to maintain power. Lugard, a representative of the Imperial British East African Company (IBEAC), used force to get Mwanga to sign a treaty of protection. The British government used violence and deportations to suppress the struggle for independence. Obote manouvered and manipulated the system to shift power from the kingdoms and districts to the central government. Amin lived by the rule 'kill before you get killed'. And now Museveni, with his National Resistance Movement (NRM) machine, uses economics to disenfranchise entire tribes, lies, and has institutionalized tribalism and corruption to stay afloat.
The book questions the validity of the 1967 and 1995 constitutions. The introduction of the 1967 constitution was underhanded, but it was ratified by a duly elected multi-party legislative assembly. The NRM which parented the 1995 constitution has a legitimacy problem. It was ushered into power by Rwandese refugees, and once in power, installed Resistance Committees (RCs) for the sole purpose of aiding the NRM to manipulate elections. For this reason, the ligitimacy of the constituency assembly elections is questionable.
This book exposes the root of the political disaffection in Buganda and the turmoil in the northern and eastern parts of the country. Specifically, it examines the issues concerning the Buganda Agreement of 1900, and the 1962 constitution. It is the author's belief that the solution to the political problems of the country lie in revisiting the 1962 constitution and amending it to the satisfaction of all kingdoms, districts and territories. There is a lack of political maturity at the central government level to allow fair distribution of the national cake equitably to all parts of the country, and only federal jurisdiction can address this. Like an active volcano, the frustration resulting from the lack of a political process that allows peaceful change of government is building up pressure to a point where tragic mass violence is likely to occur. The tremors of Uganda's political volcano are about to turn into a massive eruption.

About the Author

The author lived in Uganda for just over 27 years. He was partly raised there, and received some of his education there. He participated passively in the politics of the country in the early 1980s -- having a ring-side seat in political intrigue and manipulation. He now lives in North America where he writes and conducts business. He is writing under a pseudonym to protect his business interests and the interests of close associates in Uganda who are still a valuable source of strategic information. He has neither been associated with the Uganda army, nor has he held a high ranking government position. But he is very knowledgeable on current trends. He hopes to return to Uganda soon to resume his business.

Excerpts From the Book

The book is rich with important information on the political history of Uganda. For instance it reveals:

What led to the massacre of 1892.
Why Mwanga was vilified by the British.
Why King Mutesa II was deported to England in 1953.
What Obote was involved in before he formed the Uganda Peoples Congress.
What the 1962 constitution says about the 1967 and 1995 constitutions.
Why Obote was forced to go to Singapore in January 1971.
Why Amin turned against his allies the British, the Americans and the Israelis.
Why the NRM delayed elections for so long.
Why a Rwanda-like genocide is a real possibility in Uganda today.
What impact the Buganda Agreement of 1900 had on the history of Uganda.
What made the 1962 constitution unique, and why it is still the most viable option.
What some army officers in the Uganda Peoples Defense Forces think about the NRM.
What the NRM did to the people in the northern and the eastern parts of Uganda that might lead genocide against tribes in the west.
Why the Baganda abandoned the coalition with the NRM
Details of what is in the 1962 Constitution, particularly regarding land and the authority of the kings and the leaders of the territories and districts.
How the 1962 Constitution defined who is or is not a Uganda citizen (Chapter II).
What the 1962 Constitution says about fundamental rights and freedoms (Chapter III).

The book goes back to the time when Europeans first arrived in Uganda. Their arrival coincided with a change of kings in Buganda. King Mutesa I passed away, and was succeeded by his son Mwanga (1884) who was only 18 years old at the time. The foreign visitors and the missionaries took advantage of Mwanga's youth and sought to trick him into taking the side of whichever country or religion they represented.
Below is an excerpt from the book showing some of the drama that took place:
"The sudden realization that Africa was up for grabs created panic in Europe. Each country grabbed as much as possible to prevent others from grabbing more. No country could afford to be left behind. Even small countries such as Belgium managed to grab substantial quantities of land. For King Leopold II, the acquisition of the Belgian Congo was like acquiring additional real estate for his family. In 1906 he wrote: 'The Congo has been, and could have been, nothing but a personal undertaking ... My rights over the Congo are to be shared with none; they are the fruit of my own struggles and expenditure.'
Based on the aggressive moves the European countries were making, it was apparent that chaos and mayhem could occur. It was sort of like a gold rush. Governments, individuals and companies were staking claims and registering them. For example, in 1884, a group of young Germans representing the Gesellschaft Fur Deutsche Konoisation society visited East Africa on an exploration adventure. But during the visit they landed on the mainland off the coast of Zanzibar and signed treaties with a number of tribes. Upon returning to Germany, the then Chancellor of Germany, Bismarck, quickly accepted and recognized their acquisition. This alarmed the British who considered Zanzibar and the entire East African coast as their sphere of influence.
Eventually, European heads of state had to meet to agree on some rules for the partitioning of Africa. Several treaties and agreements were reached, the most notable being the 1890 Anglo-German Agreement. On the face of it, these agreements were organized to slice up Africa in an orderly fashion. In reality, they were similar to the peace among hyenas at a kill. They all know there is no need to injure each other over the spoils, but each fights tooth and nail to get a piece of the action.
In 1889, the German explorer Carl Peters visited Buganda and signed a treaty of protection with Mwanga, the Buganda king at the time. The British considered this to be a major assault on their strategy in the region. They convened a summit in 1890, and somehow got the Germans to concede all territory north of latitude 1° south to the British. The, Anglo-German agreement nullified the treaty of protection Carl Peters and Mwanga had signed a year earlier. This latitude marks the southern boundary of Uganda to this day.
The Imperial British East African Company (IBEA Company) was created to shield the British government against the criticism of aggressive colonisation policy. In 1890, soon after the Anglo-German Agreement, the company signed a treaty with the King of Buganda, recognising the company's suzerainty over Buganda. Later, other treaties were signed with kingdoms neighbouring Buganda though the treaty with Buganda was the most interesting one. It is quite possible Kabaka Mwanga did not understand the implications of what he was signing and wanted to terminate the agreement after signing it.
Before the signing of the treaty, there had been a lot of activity at the Mwanga's court. He had assumed power in 1884 after the death of his father Mutesa I. He inherited a regime with growing religious rivalries. The Catholics, Anglicans and Muslims were competing for influence in the King's court. The Arabs had approached him, convinced him to become a Muslim, and introduced him to homosexuality. All was going well until the minor detail of circumcision came up. To the King the whole thing sounded suspicious. Here was a bunch of strangers bringing him gifts and introducing him to what at that time was a bizarre life style. Now they actually wanted to take his parts and cut off a piece!
It is possible the diplomatic crisis was precipitated by poor translation. You see, at that time, there was no good description for circumcision in Luganda. The Arab representative probably brought it up at a fairly civilised private meeting with the King. The translation from Arabic to Luganda would have sounded something like this: 'Your Excellency, King of Kings, man above all men, Prince above all Princes, the honorable guest is requesting your permission to perform a special Islamic ceremony. He wants to cut off your penis.' In Luganda the translator would have stated: 'Sebo, sekabaka, sabasaja, omulangira, omugenyi ayagala okumala omukolo ogwabasiramu. Ayagala akusaleko embolo.'
After the circumcision debacle, Mwanga attempted to expel the Muslims from the kingdom. His effort was not successful and he was deposed in 1888. Using support from the Christians, however, he regained control around 1889, just about the time Carl Peters arrived. Peters persuaded Mwanga to sign a treaty of friendship on February 25, 1890 then left the country. Enraged by Peters' move, the British government proposed a treaty with the German Government in July, 1990 and persuaded them to give up all rights to land in Africa north of 1° south latitude, including Buganda. Mwanga was not even notified of this development.
On December 18th, 1890 Captain Fredrick Lugard arrived in Buganda with a large caravan of Sudanese and Swahili soldiers armed with rifles and a Maxim gun. Lugard came as the representative of the Imperial British East African Company. His mission was clear. He had instructions to use all means possible to colonise Buganda and the surrounding area. He came well armed to show Mwanga he meant business. Upon his arrival, he was re-enforced with more arms, including a second Maxim gun, and plenty on ammunitions by a British trader.
On December 26th, after several unsuccessful attempts to get Mwanga to sign a treaty of protection, Lugard went to Mwanga and issued an ultimatum. He threatened to use the Maxim guns on the palace if the treaty was not signed that very day. Mwanga had no choice. He and his katikiro (leader of the chiefs) signed the treaty. Lugard was very pleased with the results, but from then on Mwanga nursed a grudge against him for the rest of his reign."

After independence the politics among African leaders was equally full of intrigue and excitement. Below is an example of what happened in 1966:
"After receiving the ultimatum to get out of Buganda, Obote called on the Army to take action against the King's palace. Technically, the President who was also the king of Buganda was the Commander in Chief of the Army. In most civilized countries the Prime Minister's move to take command of the Army would have created problems. Here is where Idi Amin Dada came in. He had nothing to lose. In fact if he did a good job he would be the top dog in the Army! When he was called upon to take the Kabaka's palace he did so with his characteristic zeal for inflicting pain.
Even before independence, Amin was known to be ruthless. The British found him to be very effective in their campaigns against the Mau Mau in Kenya. They occasionally used Uganda Army units in the operations there. Amin always extracted information from suspects. His method was to take the genitals of a suspect and place them on a bloody wooden block then give the suspect five seconds to produce the required information or else lose the parts. The suspect would see the parts of those who did not talk on the other side of the block. In most cases the information came out very quickly.
The 1962 Constitution did not allow the Kabaka of Buganda to posses an independent Army so the Kabaka had only a nominal police force at his disposal. He did not have a force to resist the national army and the palace was taken with nominal loss of life from the regular army side. The losses among the resisters in the palace were probably considerable though accurate numbers have never been published. After the palace fell, mop-up operations resulted in even more deaths.
The 'Lost Counties' debacle and the attack on the Kabaka created an awkward constitutional situation. A major player in the process was now in limbo. The Prime Minister had fired his boss. Technically, the President was the supreme force in the country. After his firing, the country was basically operating in violation of the supreme law of the land. Obote quickly drew up a new constitution, convened a meeting of the parliament, and while military helicopters buzzed the parliament building, informed the members that they had just passed a new bill repealing the old constitution, and that the new constitution was in their mail boxes. The abrogation of the 1962 constitution was dubious to say the least."

The drama in constitutional manipulation continued into the 1990s. On this issue the author takes a controversial line. Among other things he questions the validity of both the 1967 and the 1995 constitutions, and questions the madness behind dangerous MRM geo-political games in the Great lakes region. Here is an excerpt on the author's position on the 1995 constitution:
"The 1995 Constitution may not survive the test of time. The NRM government which initiated it has a legitimacy problem. It came to power by the aid of refugees. On Jan. 25 1986 when the NRM took power, the majority of the most senior officers in the fighting force (NRA) were actually citizens of Rwanda. They played a major role in assisting the NRM to consolidate its position, including the creation of Resistance Committees. These Resistance committees are now NRM's key instrument of repression. They control local and national election processes. With the assistance of the RCs the NRM staged a bogus constituency assembly election. Under the circumstances, the NRM supporters dominated the constituency assembly.
The trickery did not become apparent to most Ugandans until debates on sensitive issues such as the need for a federal system of government and multi-party democracy came up. In spite of the vehement and clear opposition to the NRM position on clauses dealing with these issues, the NRM supporters rammed the clauses through the assembly. Clearly, the NRM had a hidden agenda.
In the 1995 constitution, there is recognition of tribal kingdoms, yet the same constitution proclaims the country to be a republic. This is a major contradiction. Referring back to the 1962 constitution, the restoration of kingdoms in the 1995 constitution is not consistent with the structure espoused in the former constitution. And if anyone were to take constitutions seriously, Section 1 of the 1962 constitution prevails. This leaves the country in the constitutional quagmire which has prevailed since 1966.
The 1995 constitution making process was an opportunity for the NRM to turn the current deplorable situation around. But instead, they sought to build a system which guarantees their existence into perpetuity. Such short-sightedness characterized the making of the 1967 constitution. Kingdoms were abolished and power was concentrated into the hands of the president. It seemed like a good thing at the time, but the method used to achieve it showed callous disregard for tribal identity and uniqueness. Such a nation building process can only glue the nation together by force of arms. Besides, there can be no valid claim to unity and freedom, because the basic elements of unity - consensus and compromise are lacking.
The one-party movement system of government the NRM is forcing on Uganda is out-dated. The Mexican government has been practicing one-party democracy for 6 decades. The Mexican example shows that patronage and corruption take root in such systems. Today, Mexico is desperately struggling to get back to multi-party democracy. But once again the fear by the elite to lose power makes getting out of the bind virtually impossible. In the end bad government becomes ossified leading to institutionalisation of stupidity.
In Africa, many strong-man regimes which sought to create dynasties have failed. The most recent example being that in Zaire (Congo). The NRM has been smug about their participation in overthrowing Mobutu Sese Seko, but the lesson on what Mobutu was doing to stay in power and the futility of it has not dawned on them. The time of reckoning will come!"

The book concludes that time is running out for Uganda as a nation as we know it. After reading it, one reached the distrurbing realization that for most of last century, the country has been ruled by either Europeans with the help of mercenaries, or by refugees with guns.
If you have an interest in Uganda affairs put this book on top of your must read list. It marks a turning point in the identity of the country as a Nation.

Catalogue Information